Somalia is the longest known case in modern times of a country whose central state has ceased to exist for many years. Although Somalia is often said to be a country in chaos and anarchy, a new form of social organization emerged here some time ago. Indeed, many Somalis appear to have adapted well to their country's statelessness.

After ten years of civil war in which grave human rights violations and atrocities were committed, especially against women and children, Sierra Leone was regarded as a «failed state». A massive UN peacekeeping mission managed to demobilize the combatants in 2002 and peace was restored. Public institutions have begun to resume their functions and the economy is showing signs of recovery. Nonetheless, the country's stability and structures are still fragile. So how can development cooperation contribute towards stabilizing Sierra Leone?

Afghanistan, Sierra Leone and Somalia: these three countries stand for different histories of a fragile state.The author of this article analyses different case studies to determine the various causes, such as the role of ethnic identities, claims to power by clans and other sub-state groups, or the lack of societal representation within the governments. For the author, the greatest risk to a state is violence, which can quickly spiral out of control in a weak state and lead to chaos.

This video is part of one of the major activities of the L&A initiative “Collective Learning on Land Conflict Resolution” in Cambodia. It shows how successfully the participatory resolution of land conflict by the villagers in Sre Chhuk village in Lumphat district has been managed.

This video is part of one of the major activities of the L&A initiative “Collective Learning on Land Conflict Resolution” in Cambodia. It shows how important the solidarity of villagers is important to prevent land grabbing. The concerned village is in Taing Mlou village, Andoung Meas district, Ratanakiri province. 

In the Mekong region, conflicts between local communities and large scale land concessions are widespread. They are often difficult to solve. In Cambodia, an innovative approach to conflict resolution was tested in a case involving a private company, Hoang Anh Gia Lai (HAGL), and several indigenous communities who lost some of their customary lands and forests when the company obtained a concession to grow rubber in the Province of Ratanakiri. The approach was developed by CSOs Equitable Cambodia (EC) and Inclusive Development International (IDI) with the support of QDF funding from MRLG.

Throughout history, conflicts have been waged over land. Confrontations over territory, border disputes, occupation of the territory of one State by another, or grievances stemming from inequitable access to land invariably have dramatic consequences for human settlements. Never before has this been truer than with today?uss very different types of conflict which are increasingly taking place within nations.

Introduction: "Since its independence in 1975, and most notably in the last decade, Angola has struggled to create a legal framework adequate to address the complex issues relating to the country’s land. In 2004, the country enacted a new land law1 that sought to strengthen perceived areas of weakness in prior legislation. The new law delineated and expanded a range of land rights available by concession and recognized some measure of traditional land rights.

Peu de pays sont plus caractérisés par la migration et ses répercussions que le Burkina Faso. Au cours des 40 années qui ont suivi l’indépendance, la moitié de la population a fait l’expérience de la migration, qu’il s’agisse de migration transfrontalière de main-d’œuvre (essentiellement vers la Côte d’Ivoire) ou d’une réinstallation permanente dans le pays même (d’une zone rurale à une autre).

Afghanistan, Sierra Leone et Somalie : ces trois pays sont des États fragiles ayant des antécédents différents. L'auteur de cet article analyse ces exemples afin d'identifier les causes de leur situation, par exemple le rôle des identités ethniques, la revendication du pouvoir par des clans et d'autres groupes sousétatiques ou l'insuffisance de la représentation de la société au sein des gouvernements. Il estime que le plus grand danger pour un État est la violence qui peut rapidement déstabiliser un État faible et le précipiter dans le chaos.

La politique du développement doit s'intéresser à toutes les dimensions de la fragilité des structures dans les pays en développement, lesquelles peuvent aller de carences individuelles, comme par exemple en matière de garantie de la sécurité, à l'effondrement des structures de l'État. Si le champ d'action qui s'ouvre à la politique du développement et aux autres acteurs externes est toujours restreint, il existe souvent des angles d'approche permettant d'atteindre une stabilité relative et de résoudre les problèmes liés à la faiblesse des structures de l'État.

La notion d'effondrement de l'État s'est propagée à une rapidité fulgurante ces dernières années. C'est généralement aux changements intervenant dans le contexte de la mondialisation que l'on attribue cette perte de contrôle et de légitimité de l'État. La notoriété dont jouit cette notion peut cependant faire oublier que le phénomène d'État défaillant n'est pas nouveau et qu'il